source: Biocience Volume 59, Issue 8Pp. 673-684
Historical Impacts
on River Fauna, Shifting
Baselines, and Challenges
for Restoration
Abstract
The decimation of aquatic wildlife
through over exploitation is usually
perceived as a marine phenomenon,
yet it has also been common in
freshwater ecosystems. Fish and
other aquatic animals were
superabundant when Europeans
first arrived in North America
and were intensively exploited
soon after. Contemporaneously,
the construction of barriers in
rivers increasingly prevented
many species from migrating.
Populations usually crashed as
a result.
The decimation of aquatic wildlife
through over exploitation is usually
perceived as a marine phenomenon,
yet it has also been common in
freshwater ecosystems. Fish and
other aquatic animals were
superabundant when Europeans
first arrived in North America
and were intensively exploited
soon after. Contemporaneously,
the construction of barriers in
rivers increasingly prevented
many species from migrating.
Populations usually crashed as
a result.
through over exploitation is usually
perceived as a marine phenomenon,
yet it has also been common in
freshwater ecosystems. Fish and
other aquatic animals were
superabundant when Europeans
first arrived in North America
and were intensively exploited
soon after. Contemporaneously,
the construction of barriers in
rivers increasingly prevented
many species from migrating.
Populations usually crashed as
a result.
Historical abundance of
freshwater wildlife
During the early part of the 17th century,
settlers quickly exploited the vast
freshwater resources they encountered
in eastern North America (Vickers 2004)
. In New England, for example, sturgeon,
eels, salmon, shad, and alewives were seen
in enormous numbers, with the anadromous
species being the most conspicuous because
of their massive upstream migrations during
spring and summer.
settlers quickly exploited the vast
freshwater resources they encountered
in eastern North America (Vickers 2004)
. In New England, for example, sturgeon,
eels, salmon, shad, and alewives were seen
in enormous numbers, with the anadromous
species being the most conspicuous because
of their massive upstream migrations during
spring and summer.
Around 1620, Captain John Smith recorded
that pilgrims had caught more than 12
hogsheads of fish in one night's fishing
(a colonial American hogshead was 48
× 30 inches [122 × 76 centimeters] and
could hold about 1000 pounds [454 kilograms]
of tobacco) (
Vickers 2004). Salmon runs were breathtaking
in their size, and at times took up the whole
width of the river. In 1637 Thomas Morton
observed: "Every man in New England may
catch what he will [of sturgeon], there are
multitudes of them" (Dempsey 2000, p. 85),
and, "There is a fish by some called Shad,
by some called Alewives, that at the spring
of the year pass up the rivers to spawn in the
ponds; and are taken in such multitudes in
every river that hath a pond at the end, tha
t the Inhabitants dung their ground with them.
You may see in one township a hundred acre
s together set with these fish, every acre taking
1000 of them" (Dempsey 2000, p. 86).
The Ohio River valley had a similar super
abundance of fish. Eighteenth-century travelers
and settlers described the huge numbers of pike
, walleye, catfish, buffalofish, suckers, drum,
and sturgeon, as well as small fish such as sand
darters, chub, riffle darters, and minnows
(Trautman 1981). Fish were described as
being so numerous that a spear thrown
into the water only rarely missed one. On
the other side of the continent, Lewis and
Clarke recorded in 1804 the enormous
abundance of salmon in the Columbia
River and local people's exploitation of
them (Meengs and Lackey 2005). Numbers
were so high that the people of that region
were able to live in large, permanent groups
and had time to develop sophisticated
culture, art, and technology (Carson 1996).
abundance of fish. Eighteenth-century travelers
and settlers described the huge numbers of pike
, walleye, catfish, buffalofish, suckers, drum,
and sturgeon, as well as small fish such as sand
darters, chub, riffle darters, and minnows
(Trautman 1981). Fish were described as
being so numerous that a spear thrown
into the water only rarely missed one. On
the other side of the continent, Lewis and
Clarke recorded in 1804 the enormous
abundance of salmon in the Columbia
River and local people's exploitation of
them (Meengs and Lackey 2005). Numbers
were so high that the people of that region
were able to live in large, permanent groups
and had time to develop sophisticated
culture, art, and technology (Carson 1996).
Indeed, accounts of the superabundance of
wildlife encountered by explorers,
frontiersmen, soldiers, and early settlers in
the newly colonized regions of North America
are the norm (seeTrautman 1981, Finney 1984).
Most of those people expressed awe at the nove
l fauna and flora, and are compelling in their
descriptions of the enormous abundance of life
in freshwater systems. Populations of animals
do naturally fluctuate as a result of stochastic
and density-dependent influences, but the many
descriptions of the incredible bounty of fish
and other aquatic animals suggest that this
situation was typical of faunas unaffected by
postindustrial colonization.
This does not imply that indigenous peoples
did not harvest animals (and plants). In many
cases, components of the freshwater fauna
would have been reduced (e.g., Butler and
Campbell 2004), but no evidence suggests
that freshwater species were extirpated
because of overharvesting by indigenous
people. The displacement and death of
indigenous peoples as a result of European
settlement may have freed, for a time, the
aquatic fauna from the harvesting pressure
it had experienced previously (Humphries
2007), and thus may have allowed wildlife
and fish populations to expand. Accounts
that predate the reduction of indigenous
hunting and fishing pressure, however,
suggest that this explanation is not entirely
valid. Given the dearth of records of faunal
population sizes before and after Europeans
arrived, there will probably always be a great
deal of uncertainty about how faunal
populations responded to European settlement.
wildlife encountered by explorers,
frontiersmen, soldiers, and early settlers in
the newly colonized regions of North America
are the norm (seeTrautman 1981, Finney 1984).
Most of those people expressed awe at the nove
l fauna and flora, and are compelling in their
descriptions of the enormous abundance of life
in freshwater systems. Populations of animals
do naturally fluctuate as a result of stochastic
and density-dependent influences, but the many
descriptions of the incredible bounty of fish
and other aquatic animals suggest that this
situation was typical of faunas unaffected by
postindustrial colonization.
This does not imply that indigenous peoples
did not harvest animals (and plants). In many
cases, components of the freshwater fauna
would have been reduced (e.g., Butler and
Campbell 2004), but no evidence suggests
that freshwater species were extirpated
because of overharvesting by indigenous
people. The displacement and death of
indigenous peoples as a result of European
settlement may have freed, for a time, the
aquatic fauna from the harvesting pressure
it had experienced previously (Humphries
2007), and thus may have allowed wildlife
and fish populations to expand. Accounts
that predate the reduction of indigenous
hunting and fishing pressure, however,
suggest that this explanation is not entirely
valid. Given the dearth of records of faunal
population sizes before and after Europeans
arrived, there will probably always be a great
deal of uncertainty about how faunal
populations responded to European settlement.
Previous SectionNext SectioOverexploitation and anthropogenic disturbance in freshwaterEarly European settlers in New England soon learned the habits of the fish that they encountered. In spring, settlers set nets, used seines, or made weirs at the base of falls where fish congregated, catching many fish each day, salting them, and sending them back to town (Vickers [2004] is the source of descriptions below). There were reports of constructed weirs allowing the capture of tens to hundreds of thousands of shad, alewives, and salmon per tide. As early as 1645, people of the town of Sandwich on Cape Cod complained of the netting of alewives by bass fishermen, and in 1668 several towns expressed concern about the effects of milldams on upstream fish movement. In 1710, legislation was passed in Massachusetts limiting the number of days per week that fish could be taken, restricting the gear that could be used, and banning fishing during the spawning season. Similar legislation was passed in Connecticut in 1715 and in Rhode Island in 1735.
Overfishing also had a major role in the
collapse of the Atlantic sturgeon
(Acispenser oxyrynchus oxyrynchus) and
the short-nosed sturgeon (Acispenser
brevirostris) in New England (Lichter
et al. 2006). Fishing began in the early
1600s in the Merrymeeting Bay area,
and by 1720, 20 schooners were operating
to catch sturgeon commercially. But
sturgeon catches were unreliable and th
e fishery became sporadic. The mid-1800s
and the last quarter of that century saw two
revivals in the fishery, but in each case it
was discontinued after a few years because
overfishing severely reduced stocks. A
similar fate befell salmon and shad
(Clupea sapidissima) in the region
(Lichter et al. 2006).
collapse of the Atlantic sturgeon
(Acispenser oxyrynchus oxyrynchus) and
the short-nosed sturgeon (Acispenser
brevirostris) in New England (Lichter
et al. 2006). Fishing began in the early
1600s in the Merrymeeting Bay area,
and by 1720, 20 schooners were operating
to catch sturgeon commercially. But
sturgeon catches were unreliable and th
e fishery became sporadic. The mid-1800s
and the last quarter of that century saw two
revivals in the fishery, but in each case it
was discontinued after a few years because
overfishing severely reduced stocks. A
similar fate befell salmon and shad
(Clupea sapidissima) in the region
(Lichter et al. 2006).
The lake sturgeon (Acispenser fulvescens)
supported an important fishery from the
1860s in the Great Lakes; this followed
the collapse of riverine fisheries of
Atlantic sturgeon that caused a shortage
of caviar (Petersen et al. 2007). Until that
time, there had been little interest in the
lake sturgeon. By 1925, this species
formed the most important commercial
fishery in the Great Lakes, despite the
fact that stocks were already collapsing
(Petersen et al. 2007). Three years later,
commercial sturgeon fishing was banned
in US waters; a restricted fishery continues
in some parts of Canada. Today, virtually
all sturgeon (and paddlefish) species
throughout the world have suffered
fates similar to those mentioned above—
19 of the 27 species of sturgeon and
paddlefish stocks are currently listed
as threatened (Pikitch et al. 2005).
supported an important fishery from the
1860s in the Great Lakes; this followed
the collapse of riverine fisheries of
Atlantic sturgeon that caused a shortage
of caviar (Petersen et al. 2007). Until that
time, there had been little interest in the
lake sturgeon. By 1925, this species
formed the most important commercial
fishery in the Great Lakes, despite the
fact that stocks were already collapsing
(Petersen et al. 2007). Three years later,
commercial sturgeon fishing was banned
in US waters; a restricted fishery continues
in some parts of Canada. Today, virtually
all sturgeon (and paddlefish) species
throughout the world have suffered
fates similar to those mentioned above—
19 of the 27 species of sturgeon and
paddlefish stocks are currently listed
as threatened (Pikitch et al. 2005).
Pacific salmon were fished extensively by
Native Americans before European
settlement (Meengs and Lackey 2005)
. In Oregon, salmon were harvested by
indigenous people in numbers comparable
to those of the post-European settlement
period, and thus it is likely that salmon
populations had already been significantl
y affected by exploitation (Meengs and
Lackey 2005). Effects on salmon by
European colonizers began slowly,
with trade between Native Americans
and ships starting in the late 18th century,
then extension of the Hudson Bay
Company into salmon fishing and trading
in the early 1800s. The first impacts on
salmon stocks, however, were likely to
have been a by-product of beaver harvesting
(see below), and the resultant changes to
river morphology. Then came gold mining
in the mid-1800s, followed by logging and
farming, all of which affected salmon habitat.
Salmon harvesting in Oregon greatly expanded
in 1865 with the establishment of a cannery on
the Columbia River at Eagle Point. Although
salmon catches fluctuated annually, by 1880 t
here were 29 canneries employing 4000 people
on the Columbia River (Meengs and Lackey
2005).
Pacific salmon suffered dramatically from
this intense harvesting and from human
modifications to rivers (Gustaffson et al.
2006). Since the time when Europeans first
colonized the Pacific Northwest of North
America, 29% of the 1400 salmon populations
that once existed have become extinct
(Nehlsen et al. 1991, Gustaffson et al. 2006).
The major factor causing local population
extinctions was impediments to salmon
migration, but overfishing also clearly
contributed to this dire situation (Lichter
et al. 2006, Jelks et al. 2008). A recent
report by IUCN, the International Union f
or Conservation of Nature, on the status of
sockeye salmon (Oncorhynchus nerka)
indicated that of the 80 known subpopulations,
26 could not be evaluated because of lack of
data, 5 were extinct, 17 were threatened, and 2
were nearly threatened (Rand 2008). The top
reason given for their decline was overfishing
of small populations.
The overall picture is bleak for those North
American freshwater fish stocks that have
been commercially harvested. A 2008 analysis
of the conservation status of all North American
freshwater fishes concluded that nearly 40% of
the region's fauna is imperiled (Jelks et al. 2008).
, habitat degradation and nonindigenous species
were considered the main threats. However, a
total of 123 North American species were
considered as affected by overharvesting.
Indeed, for recreationally or commercially
species, overexploitation was considered a
major factor contributing to their imperiled
status: This was the case for 100% of
sturgeon, 81% of salmonid, 67% of
silverside, and 12% of ictalurid catfish species.
American freshwater fish stocks that have
been commercially harvested. A 2008 analysis
of the conservation status of all North American
freshwater fishes concluded that nearly 40% of
the region's fauna is imperiled (Jelks et al. 2008).
, habitat degradation and nonindigenous species
were considered the main threats. However, a
total of 123 North American species were
considered as affected by overharvesting.
Indeed, for recreationally or commercially
species, overexploitation was considered a
major factor contributing to their imperiled
status: This was the case for 100% of
sturgeon, 81% of salmonid, 67% of
silverside, and 12% of ictalurid catfish species.
- .---------------------------------------
The Desolate Wilderness
A chronicle of the Pilgrims' arrival at Plymouth, as recorded by Nathaniel Morton.
Here beginneth the chronicle of those
memorable circumstances
of the year 1620, as recorded by
Nathaniel Morton, keeper of
the records of Plymouth Colony,
based on the account of
William Bradford, sometime
governor thereof:
So they left that goodly and
pleasant city of Leyden, which
had been their resting-place for
above eleven years, but they
knew that they were pilgrims and
strangers here below, and
looked not much on these things,
but lifted up their eyes to
Heaven, their dearest country,
where God hath prepared for
them a city (Heb. XI, 16), and
therein quieted their spirits.
When they came to Delfs-Haven
they found the ship and all
things ready, and such of their
friends as could not come
with them followed after them,
and sundry came from
Amsterdam to see them shipt,
and to take their leaves
of them. One night was spent
with little sleep with the
most, but with friendly
entertainment and Christian
discourse, and other real expressions
of true Christian love.
The next day they went on board, and their
friends with them, where truly doleful was
the sight of that sad and mournful parting, to
hear what sighs and sobs and prayers did
sound amongst them; what tears did gush
from every eye, and pithy speeches pierced
each other's heart, that sundry of the Dutch
strangers that stood on the Key as spectators
could not refrain from tears. But the tide
(which stays for no man) calling them
away, that were thus loath to depart,
their Reverend Pastor, falling down on hi
s knees, and they all with him, with watery
cheeks commended them with the most
fervent prayers unto the Lord and His
blessing; and then with mutual embraces
and many tears they took their leaves
one of another, which proved to be the
last leave to many of them.
Being now passed the vast ocean, and a
sea of troubles before them in expectations
, they had now no friends to welcome them,
no inns to entertain or refresh them, no
houses, or much less towns, to repair unto
to seek for succour; and for the season it
was winter, and they that know the winters
of the country know them to be sharp and
violent, subject to cruel and fierce storms,
dangerous to travel to known places, much
more to search unknown coasts.
Besides, what could they see but a hideous
and desolate wilderness, full of wilde beasts
and wilde men? and what multitudes of them
there were, they then knew not: for which
way soever they turned their eyes (save
upward to Heaven) they could have but
little solace or content in respect of any
outward object; for summer being ended,
all things stand in appearance with a
weatherbeaten face, and the whole country,
full of woods and thickets, represented a
wild and savage hew.
If they looked behind them, there was a
mighty ocean which they had passed, and
was now as a main bar or gulph to separate
them from all the civil parts of the world.
This editorial has appeared annually since 1961
in The Wall Street Journal on Thanksgiving Day
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